Indeed, Guyana, too, is overfilled with exaggerations, despite an unchallenged record since 1992, as follows:
Debt servicing brought to below 40% of revenue
Poverty reduced by 50%
The balance of payments’ and fiscal deficits reduced to under 10% of GDP
Interest rates declined by 50%

Inflation cut to 6%

Improved financial accountability

Physical and social infrastructure considerably rehabilitated

Increased vitality of grass roots politics

Restoration of media freedom

Reforms effected on the tendering process

Establishment of the Integrity Commission

Laws to prevent discrimination and marginalisation at the workplace

Powers of the President whittled down

Presence of an Opposition Veto on the appointments the Chancellor and Chief Justice

Increasing the financial autonomy of the Auditor General and the Judiciary

Giving civil society inputs into the decision-making process

President Bharrat Jagdeo presented the PPP/C’s position on inclusive governance last Saturday at State House. The paper comes at a time when everybody seems to have an opinion on shared governance. However, the President’s paper, true to form, sustains a long established tradition where the PPP has always advocated constitutional reforms to enhance the governance process and promoting national unity.

National unity in a multi-ethnic society must be a strategic goal of any governance process, and as far back as 1965, we observe Cheddi Jagan’s call for racial harmony;

“Regardless of race or ethnic origin, let us consolidate our forces, win new support and march forward to victory…Racism is the greatest curse of our land…anyone who spreads racial propaganda must be severely dealt with. Such a person is an enemy to himself and his country” (Cheddi Jagan, 1965).

The PNC rejected the PPP’s continuous call for national unity in 1961 through 1964, 1976 through 1978, and 1984 through 1985. This call was intended to enhance inclusiveness in the governance process over those years. At the present time, some institutional structures of inclusiveness include the dialog, constitutional amendments, and the PNC/R opposition’s role in parliament.

President Jagdeo’s unflinching record on wanting to have a dialog with the PNC can easily be verified through these statements:

“I extend a hand of friendship to those who are in opposition and invite them to sit with us and iron out differences so that we can have a common cause to serve - a cause in service to our people and nation” (President Jagdeo, August 11, 1999).

“It is critical that we engage one another in dialog. We should always reach out and talk to each other. In this way, we would be fulfilling the mandate of all Guyanese as we share our differing views in the search for national consensus on the common objective of making this country a better place for all” (President Jagdeo, March 31, 2001).

President Bharrat Jagdeo and then Leader of the Opposition PNCR the late Mr. Hugh Desmond Hoyte in 2001 produced an inter-party committee system, addressing issues of local government reform; border issues and national security; the bauxite industry resuscitation; distribution of land and house lots; depressed communities’ needs; and radio monopoly, non-partisan boards and broadcasting legislation. The former PNCR Leader Desmond Hoyte placed the dialog on pause last year. However, a recent Government Information Agency Website Poll on whether the dialog should be restarted showed that 76% of the people support resumption while 23% did not. These joint committees yielded enormous benefits to the people of Guyana. The benefits can be gleaned from the GINA Website.

Other forms of inclusiveness are the constitutional amendments waiting to be implemented. A number of constitutional amendments, showing the emergent structures for inclusiveness, were passed. Some of these constitutional amendments are as follows:

The first is the Constitution (Amendment) (No. 6) Act 2001. The Constitution was amended at Article 119A. The amendment provides for the establishment of a Parliamentary Standing Committee for Constitutional Reform, aimed at frequently reviewing the efficacy of the functioning of the Constitution.

The second amendment was where the Constitution was amended at Article 119B. This amendment provides for the establishment of parliamentary sectoral committees providing oversight to Government policy and administration, including: natural resources; economic services; foreign relations; and social services. Again, all Parties in Parliament are eligible for membership.

The third amendment was Constitution (Amendment) (No. 4) Act 2001. This amendment repealed and reenacted Article 13 of the Constitution. The amendment provides for the political system of the state to set up an inclusionary democracy, enabling citizen participation.

The fourth was the Constitution (Amendment) (No. 2) Act 2001. Article 71 of the Constitution was altered to enable local government to engage many people in governance.

All these constitutional amendments help to expand the structures of inclusiveness. Parliament will have to initiate discussions on these amendments to give meaning and life to their applications.

The PNC/R’s absence from Parliament retards the social growth of these amendments which are significant structures of inclusiveness The opposition’s role is yet another form of parliamentary inclusiveness. The opposition, by definition, has to perform the functions of the opposition and present itself as an alternative government in this or any parliamentary system of government. What are some principles of a parliamentary system? These are:

The Parliament is elected by the citizens of this country.

The executive power of the state is exercised through the Cabinet.

The Cabinet controls executive power as long as the Government commands the majority of votes in Parliament.

The opposition is part of the legislature.

These are some of the principles that characterise the system of government in Guyana today. The principles determine the rules of the governance process, one of which is that the will of the people determines which party forms the government. The opposition has a useful contributory role to play in enhancing the governance process mainly through committee systems, questions, and motions in parliament. But it does not constitutionally perform the functions of government. Any opposition party’s role in a parliamentary democracy is an exercise in inclusiveness.

But opposition elements are discarding these structures of parliamentary inclusiveness for power sharing at the executive level. We need to start with developing the structures of parliamentary inclusiveness that we have, albeit at the embryonic stage, instead of latching on to an executive power sharing model that lacks the capability to address change, institutionalizing racial and ethnic competition, the absence of an opposition force, excluding the role of the masses in decision making and that seems to have limited success around the world, as in Northern Ireland, Ivory Coast, etc. Perhaps, it would be more feasible to talk about structures of parliamentary inclusiveness rather than executive power sharing!! And indeed, there is public support for a resumption of the dialog that is a form of inclusiveness.

However, whatever change we introduce would require trust that is a precondition for real success. Trust really is an emotional skill that we construct and sustain with our promises and commitments, our emotions and integrity. We need to build not an immature trust that is effortlessly shattered, but an authentic trust that is time-honored, reflective, and renewable. Trust is necessary for good governance. Perhaps, the new Leader of the PNCR Mr. Robert Corbin’s commitment to constructive engagement is an insightful move on his part to start the construction of a sustainable culture of trust.