'Leadership' fiasco in Barbados Analysis by Rickey Singh
Guyana Chronicle
October 31, 2001

IF IN Trinidad and Tobago the mass of loyal supporters of the United National Congress (UNC) are somewhat traumatised by the current political shenanigans of a 'committee of 12' within the party, an 'opposition of one' is creating some political amusement and unease in Barbados in a "leadership" claim of the Democratic Labour Party (DLP).

The problems for the opposition DLP, which lost the last two general elections to the governing Barbados Labour Party (BLP), securing merely two of the 28 parliamentary seats at the January 1999 poll, deepened on September 24 when David Thompson suddenly quit as leader and president.

The resignation of the 40-year-old Thompson, a lawyer and flamboyant, dynamic platform speaker, came within days of the DLP's defeat at the St.Thomas by-election, held by the politically retired ex-Attorney General David Simmons, and regarded as a traditional BLP stronghold.

Thompson had told the DLP that he would continue to hold the constitutional post in parliament as Opposition Leader until the next general election - due by January 2003 - and that the party had some three months to engage in the process of electing a new leader and president.

The party accepted the resignation, gave Thompson a rousing endorsement to continue as Opposition Leader, and went ahead with the business of finding a successor as leader and president knowing that the precedent exists from the days of its founder, the late Errol Barrow, for separation of party leadership from parliamentary leadership.

Then came another surprise last week when parliament resumed its business. This time not the shock element characterised by Thompson's September resignation as party leader. Now it was the turn of the other 50 percent of the DLP's two-man presence in the House of Assembly - Denis Kellman.

'Sabotage' Talk

A small businessman who is the parliamentary representative for St.Lucy, Kellman was the campaign manager for the St.Thomas by-election. Without calling names, Thompson had alluded to lack of cooperation, political manoeuvrings with leading activists of the governing BLP that 'bordered on sabotage' during the campaign.

Kellman was not amused by the implicit reference to him. He insisted that he had done his best as campaign manager but stressed that his frequent public appearances in recent times with Prime Minister Arthur, his 'cousin', that provided photo opportunities for the media, should not be construed to mean that he was involved in undermining the DLP or that he was "a traitor".

The Arthur-Kellman 'photo opportunities', the latest appearing on Tuesday, October 23, the day after Kellman failed to turn up for a DLP parliamentary caucus summoned by Thompson as Opposition Leader, fuelled speculations about what the St.Lucy MP was really up to.

As it turned out, what Kellman seems to be after is to cause further fracture in the party's leadership structure by aggravating problems for the DLP, the party to which he insists he is firmly committed.

This may reflect shades of 'Maharajism' in Trinidad and Tobago politics. But for Barbadians, and DLP loyalists in particular, Kellman is treading a slippery path that could end in his political downfall at a new election, as seems most likely also for Ramesh Maharah and his 'committee of 12' at the December 10 election.

The amusing dimension to 'Kellmanism' in the current scenario of DLP internal politics, even as 'cousin' Arthur's BLP was holding its annual conference on Sunday, is his claim to be "performing the functions' of 'leader' in parliament when no one but he, in and out of the party, recognises his legitimacy to do so.

The Reality

Some, arguing legalistically, feel that it may have to do with Kellman's interpretation of Section 50 of the DLP's constitution, and more precisely section 50H, which states that "the political leader is the person who commands the support of the majority of members of the parliamentary group in the House of Assembly".

The reality is that Thompson, not Kellman, was appointed by the Governor General as parliamentary Opposition Leader, in accordance with the Barbados Constitution. The 'leadership' issue of the DLP is strictly an internal party affair in which the Head of State cannot become involved, even indirectly.

Further, it is Thompson, not Kellman who commands the support of the four-member parliamentary group that comprises the two elected DLP representatives plus two senators - Leroy McClean and Clye Mascoll, the latter currently gaining the largest nominations for party leadership.

Therefore, those within the DLP, encouraging Kellman for their own reasons, as well as elements of the governing BLP currently cleverly watering the breaking ground of DLP politics in keeping with a different agenda, would know that the St.Lucy MP's ego trip cannot be sustained by the harsh reality that, on legal and moral grounds, he is neither Leader of the Opposition nor leader of the party to which he belongs.

The latest development in this saga is that both Thompson and Kellman have been summoned to appear before the DLP's decision-making General Council to resolve the dispute that is clearly very embarassing for the party.

The two senators, McLean and Mascoll will also be present for the meeting. And it is expected that Kellman will be told quite clearly that Thompson has the support of the majority of the parliamentary group as well as the General Council.

The DLP, like the BLP, has been in and out of government over the years, quite unlike the UNC, which won governmental power just twice, and consecutively.

But the DLP is now confronted with a massive task, in the face of the BLP's comfortable hold on power and the popularity of its leader and Prime Minister, to return to government at the 2003 election.

Right now its elders and strategists have to quickly help Kellman to end his dangerous horse ride on 'leadership', elect a new party leader who can complement Thompson as Opposition Leader and together rebuild the party's electoral machine.

In Trinidad and Tobago, when the legalism argument by Panday's "deputy" about 'control' of a 23-member national executive committee would have been exhausted, political realism will bring its heavy load of disappointments, pain and humiliation on election day, December 10.